Last month, California passed Assembly Bill 5 ("AB5"), setting a high bar for businesses aiming to classify workers as independent contractors. Under AB5 (effective January 1, 2020), a business' workers are employees unless their services fall outside the business' "usual course or type of business." This legislation is widely seen as a direct challenge to the model of gig economy companies such as Uber and Lyft, which rely on independent contractors. Still, Uber says it is confident its drivers are correctly classified - even under AB5's stringent test.
Businesses that misclassify workers as independent contractors can face significant liability under both state and federal law. This can include tax penalties as well as claims for unpaid wages and overtime, workers' compensation, and unemployment benefits. Additionally, once found to have misclassified workers, the business must reclassify the workers as employees. The resulting costs could be a huge - potentially fatal - blow to Uber, Lyft, and their gig economy compatriots. One estimate puts Uber and Lyft's increased costs at $290 million in California alone.
The legal tests for determining independent contractor status (such as the one adopted in AB5) rely on the facts of the relationship between the business and the worker. These tests generally rely on a traditional understanding of employment. Gig economy businesses like Uber do not neatly fit a conventional model, though.
Independent contractors are non-employee workers hired to perform services. Generally, contractors are not covered by labor and employment laws such as wage and hour laws (for example, overtime, minimum wage), leave laws (for example, the Family and Medical Leave Act), and anti-discrimination laws (for example, the Americans with Disabilities Act). Contractors are usually ineligible for benefits and have no collective bargaining rights. They are responsible for their own taxes - in fact, the contractor tax form, "1099," is often used as shorthand distinguishing them from employees ("W-2s").
Saying a worker is an independent contractor does not make it so. State and federal laws and regulations define who can be an independent contractor. These tests generally fall into two main categories: the "right to control" test (often called the "IRS test") and the tougher "ABC test" recently adopted in California's AB5. The federal government uses the IRS test, as do most states (for at least some analyses). But Massachusetts, New Jersey, and now California have fully adopted the ABC test, and many states use it for certain situations, such as determining workers' compensation eligibility.
The IRS test relies on one general rule: A worker is an independent contractor if the business paying them has the right to control only the results of the work, not what and how work will be done. To figure out who has the right to control, the test considers multiple factors in three categories, non-exhaustively summarized as follows:
The ABC test, while simpler, is tougher. To be an independent contractor under the ABC test, all three of the following must be met:
Uber's main product is a mobile app through which users request rides from local drivers. When a user requests a ride, the app pairs the user with an available driver.
Applying the IRS Test, some factors indicate drivers are contractors, and others indicate an employment relationship.
Applying the ABC Test (now law in California), on the other hand, Uber drivers seem more like employees.
Part one mirrors the IRS Test's "behavioral control" portion. As discussed above, there are facts on both sides here: Drivers are largely free from Uber's control and direction but can be suspended or banned for violating Uber's terms.
Likewise, part three sticks closely with the IRS Test's consideration of "financial control." As mentioned, drivers are free to (and often do) drive for competitors and other ride services.
The core difference between the tests - and the reason for the fuss over AB5 - is part two, which requires that contractors' work be "outside the hiring entity's usual course or type of business." To meet this element, Uber must - and has been trying to - show that drivers' services are outside of its usual course or type of business.
So, what is Uber's business? The most obvious answer (at least to its users) is that it's a transportation service. If it is, Uber cannot logically argue that drivers' work is not crucial to its core business.
Uber claims it's not a transportation business, though. Instead, Uber argues its business is "serving as a technology platform for several different types of digital marketplaces," connecting independent drivers with passengers. But Uber is not selling software or making ad revenue from its (free) app. It solely makes money through fares and delivery fees. If a business is defined by its revenue source, then Uber might have a hard time winning under the ABC test. And, as users know, the app is useless when no drivers are available.
In response to AB5, Uber, Lyft, and delivery service DoorDash have pledged to devote a combined $90 million to lobbying for a ballot initiative in California that would permit them to continue classifying workers as non-employee contractors. The proposed measure would provide drivers with minimum hourly earnings, workplace injury coverage, and paid sick and family leaves.
If Uber and Lyft end up reclassifying drivers as employees, drivers will likely have to choose between working for one or the other, and increased labor costs will likely be passed on to riders.
Regardless of what happens to Uber, employers in the US - especially California - should closely evaluate their classification of independent contractors and speak with employment counsel about any concerns.
Ann Margius is an attorney who focuses on labor and employment at Wyrick Robbins Yates & Ponton LLP in Raleigh, North Carolina.