Trumpworld was bracing for some bad news this month. They weren't planning on it coming so soon.
Charles Herbster, Trump's endorsed candidate for Nebraska governor, was running for an open seat, not challenging an entrenched incumbent, as is the case for some of Trump's favored candidates competing in primaries later this month. Herbster, a Trump megadonor who stapled himself to the former president during the primary, is the only candidate who gets any moreMAGA than him.
Even after eight women accused him of sexual assault, Trump traveled to Nebraska to campaign for his friend.
It looks foolish now that it was a risk.
Herbster lost to Jim Pillen in the primary.
Jim Pillen smiles to applause as he is named the winner of the Nebraska Republican gubernatorial primary during an election night party on May 10, 2022, in Lincoln, Neb. | Kenneth Ferriera/Lincoln Journal Star via AP
The fact that it was Pillen who won will hurt Trump the most. A pork producer and member of the University of Nebraska Board of regents, Pillen had the backing of the state's term-limited governor, Pete Ricketts, who lobbied Trump to stay out of the primary.
As powerful as Trump is, there are other political machines in Nebraska that are willing to feud with him. They can win in some situations. The anti-Herbster efforts in the state were heavily contributed to by the Ricketts and their son.
Trump had a bad night in Nebraska. The moderate Republican who Trump hoped to oust was also there. At a rally in Nebraska last week, Trump told the crowd to vote against the opponent.
Nebraskans weren't listening. He won his primary with 77 percent of the vote.
In West Virginia, Trump can take solace. In a less nationalized environment, David McKinley might have had the upper hand in his primary. In the first incumbent-versus-incumbent primary in a newly drawn House district, the map appeared to favor McKinley, including more of his old district than his opponent. Jim Justice was the Republican governor of West Virginia. He supported a bill to improve infrastructure in a state with crumbling infrastructure.
Alex Mooney, a transplant from Maryland, had none of that going for him. He had the endorsement of Trump and a constant grip on the national issues of the GOP. His messages were about election integrity, border security, abortion, Trump and guns.
McKinley couldn't compete. He voted for infrastructure spending and the creation of a bipartisan commission to investigate the insurrection at the Capitol.
Thomas said that McKinley used to be able to say, "Hey, I work with both sides."
That worked in the past. It may still work in some statewide races, where a candidate can project an identity other than that of his or her party.
But in a House election in the future? Right now, who cares, Thomas said, but you can talk about bipartisanship.
In Ohio and Indiana last week, Trump-endorsed candidates went 22-0, and he bragged about it to Fox News.
He will not be able to say that now. Come on. The stat sheet is being padded by Trump. His endorsement made Vance the favorite in Ohio, but he wasn't a shoo-in. He had a lot of skin in those contests.
Most of the candidates Trump is endorsing are incumbents. He has shied away from mentioning races where a Republican is likely to win.
In Nebraska's 2nd Congressional District, it was clear that that was the case on Tuesday night.
Trump doesn't like bacon. Trump included him on a list of Republicans he wanted to run out of Congress after he voted for Biden's infrastructure bill.
No serious contender did. When Trump appeared at a rally in Nebraska last week, he was aware of one challenger to bacon. Trump had kind things to say about Kuehl after he was called bad news. He didn't endorse him because even Trump could see that endorsing the candidate he preferred would have added to his tally.
Trump said good luck to Steve, whoever the hell you are.
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